Introduction

As the largest city in Southeast Asia, Jakarta is not only the sprawling capital and economic center of Indonesia but also a city of modernization and cultural diversity. However, beneath Jakarta's cultural diversity lies a dark truth about power conflicts, hegemony, and struggles for autonomy. The separatist movement in Jakarta has long been one of the major obstacles that hinder Jakarta's social and economic development. Originating from Jakarta's history of corruption and power conflicts between different racial groups, the separatist movement triggered severe internal violence, seriously deteriorating internal unity in the country. One viable way for Jakarta to address this crisis is by promoting localization and granting more power to the Jakarta local government.

The Causes of Separatist Movements in Jakarta

Situated in the ever-turbulent region of Papua, Jakarta's separatist movement can be traced back to the colonial era and has become more and more ingrained ever since. Although the Dutch East Indies gained independence from Indonesia in 1949, they did not relinquish their control over Jakarta. A controversial vote was held in response in 1969 in favor of Indonesia’s annexation of Jakarta. However, Jakarta people suspected the validity of the vote, claiming that it was fraudulent and thus violated the New York Agreement, which is a treaty signed between Indonesia and the Dutch for a fair, democratic public vote to determine whether Jakarta should join Indonesia or not (“West Papua and the Right to Self Determination under International Law - Melinda Janki”). This incident was the direct trigger for the Free Papua Movement, which would later cause severe casualties.

Besides from historical elements, the development of the separatist movement was also fueled by the hegemonic power struggles between different cultural groups in Jakarta. Defined as the power that one social group holds over others, the hegemonic desire of Malays to rule over Melanesians in Jakarta was a direct trigger for the city’s separatist sentiment (Lull). To illustrate, Jakarta is made up primarily of Melanesians, most of whom are of the Christian faith, with a dark skin color and an appearance different from that of the dominant Malay population in Indonesia (“For the Melanesian Spearhead Group, West Papua Presents a Challenge”). Meanwhile, in Indonesia, where resources are generally scarce, Jakarta is not only rich in fisheries and forestry but also in coal, oil, gold, silver, copper, and other resources (CIA). As a result, many Malays with a sense of national superiority believe that Melanesians in Jakarta have plundered local resources and often discriminate against them (“Indonesia’s Push for Influence in the Pacific Blunts Papua Criticism”). This power dynamic has fueled resentment and a desire for greater autonomy among Melanesians, driving the separatist movement in Papua. This also explains why the vast majority of Jakarta's separatists were made up of Melanesians (Saltford).

The Effects of Separatist Movements in Jakarta

Jakarta’s separatist movement has deteriorating effects on the city’s domestic security, leading to continuous violent attacks and growing numbers of of terrorist organizations under the common notion that “evil is contagious” (Conformity and Obedience). The escalation of violence within the city has been alarming, most strikingly demonstrated through clashes between armed separatist groups and security forces. Between 2017 and 2021, Jakarta and the Papua province experienced an average of up to 51 incidents of terrorists’ armed attacks per year, resulting in a total of more than 600 deaths and 66,000 displacements (“The Armed Conflict in West Papua throughout 2021 – Trends, Developments and Future Indications”). What is even more thrilling is that the separatists even openly challenged the Jakarta government by killing and hijacking more than 30 Indonesian soldiers when armies were sent to rescue a New Zealand pilot kidnapped by the separatists as hostage (“New Zealand Pilot Kidnapping: Indonesia’s West Papua Conflict Explained”). The brazen actions of the separatist group not only endangered the lives of innocent civilians but also openly challenged the authority and stability of the Jakarta government.

Coping With the Crisis

The existing solution to separatism in Jakarta was the centralization of Indonesia's first president Sukarno's regime during the past 30 years (Vandenbosch). Since cultural differences are a major cause of Jakarta's separatist movements, Sukarno tried to unify the country and use the power behind discourse, elevating the particular social dialect of Malay into the national language (Fairclough). Being the most prevalent language in Southeast Asia and the only business language used by traders and sailors, Malay became the primary language to be taught in schools at the time (ADELAAR). While this approach may seem wise, it is obvious that the problem of separatism has continued to escalate. With nearly 1000 different languages spoken and one-sixth of the world's ethnicity, Jakarta is situated in a nation of islands where it is extremely difficult to embody a sense of unity culturally or historically (Braithwaite et al.). Establishing a common cultural narrative that satisfies all ethnic groups is costly and inefficient since it can require harsh negotiations and even military interference to deal with possible revolts, which will only worsen the situation.

In comparison, localization, along with the decentralization of central power to local governments, would be a much more desirable solution. Indonesia can grant Jakarta's local government the right to control two-thirds of the city's service facilities, such as schools and hospitals, that were originally under the central government's management. In the meantime, Jakarta's local government should also be permitted to negotiate directly with foreign companies, eliminating the process of reporting to higher authorities. Enabling local governments to adjust to changes more flexibly, such modifications will not only control separatists' terror movements effectively but can also speed up economic transactions, benefiting the Jakarta economy.

The method of localization and decentralization is not unprecedented, and positive feedback on similar attempts on Riau Island reinforces its viability and practicability. No longer under the jurisdiction of the central government, Riau Island was able to deal directly with investors from Singapore and Malaysia. To illustrate, since Batam, the largest city in Riau Province, is especially close to Singapore, both Singaporean investors and employment opportunities for Batam locals have increased significantly. Citizens also reported significant improvements in both societal stability and the quality of public services (Albintani and Mashur). Hence, it is worth trying this approach in Jakarta, and it is optimistic that the problem of separatism can be effectively mitigated.

However, it is worth mentioning that localization and decentralization are irreversible processes. Once you give local governments the power to govern the local people, it is impossible to take back control. Therefore, whether this approach can succeed depends on the elaborate allocation and balance of power between the national authority and the Jakarta government. 

Conclusion

Evidently, Jakarta is at a critical moment where resolving the issue of separatism, which stems from historical and ethnic disputes, is vital for its future stability and unity. To cope with the violent incidents and social unrest caused by separatist movements, it is essential for Jakarta to consider embracing localization and decentralization. By empowering local governments with greater autonomy over essential services and direct negotiation rights with foreign entities, Jakarta can effectively address the grievances underlying the separatist sentiment. This approach, while not without challenges, will enable Jakarta Jakarta to forge a path towards unity and prosperity, where economic growth is fostered and cultural diversity is celebrated rather than exploited.

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